Impeachment? Bring it on. Trump can put the Dems on trial in the Senate

The entrenched elites of both parties and a large portion of the corrupt upper federal bureaucracy understand the mortal threat President Trump poses to them.  This threat has been the driving force behind the continuous efforts to destroy the Trump presidency since (and before) the president's inauguration.

These forces have no doubt already figured out they can't beat the president at the ballot box.  Impeachment is their last desperate chance to rid themselves of the man who has so effectively exposed their self-enrichment and multiple sell-outs of the American people.  And now they think they see their chance — based on a single telephone call in which America's president, reasonably and with more than good cause, suspecting criminal wrongdoing, may have sought the assistance of a foreign head of state in getting to the bottom of his amply justified suspicions.

They are counting on the now widely and deeply loathed former Republican, Mitt Romney, to round up enough Republican turncoat Trump-haters to reach two thirds of the Senate — all without regard to the total absence of anything remotely approaching "high crimes and misdemeanors."

No occupant of the White House before the current one has faced even a small fraction of the unrelenting groundless accusations, calumnies, and outright lies endured by President Trump since well before the first day of his presidency.  Through it all, he has repelled the attacks, while he produced concrete results for the American economy and American conservatism unseen since President Reagan. 

The constant, vile, often violent denunciations of America's president during the last nearly three years, all by the 2016 losers and their major media mouthpieces, are without any precedent in the nation's history.  The impeachment proceedings President Trump now confronts — for a single telephone call to a head of state raising issues entirely appropriate to the functions of his office — are merely another round in the Democrat/media elites' continuous efforts to reverse the outcome of the 2016 election.

In short, having utterly failed with their Russia collusion fantasy, the president's enemies have moved on to an entirely ordinary and appropriate telephone call.

The president's defense in the Senate, accordingly, must engage, spotlight, scrutinize and expose the entire course of odious conduct by the president's corrupt attackers, from their first spinning of the Russia collusion hoax,through the latest chapter in their attempted coup.

Everything will be relevant in the Senate trial, and everyone, no exceptions, should be subpoenaed and interrogated under oath.  That means Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, John Brennan, James Comey, Peter Strzok, and the entire gang behind the coup.

That includes Strzok, his girlfriend Lisa Page, Clapper, Brennan, Comey, and whatever Deep State apparatchiks lied to the FISA judge to enable a spying operation on the Trump campaign and transition team — a crime without precedent and one that massively outweighs anything that could credibly be alleged against President Trump.

Here is the most important benefit of this broad and aggressive approach to the president's defense: in confronting all those who have ceaselessly sought to reverse the 2016 election, President Trump's legal team this time will have a critical tool thus far denied them: the power to subpoena any and all persons, including all those who were elbow-deep in the Russia collusion hoax.  Unlike during the feeble and tedious investigation conducted by the Washington elite's chosen operative, Robert Mueller, every single such person will be sworn and aggressively, publicly interrogated under penalty of perjury, by formidable trial counsel.

What the anti-democratic authors of this latest putsch attempt failed to realize — in their fury of blind hatred — is that the Republican Senate majority will be in command of the scope and duration of the trial and that the truth-revealing power of the subpoena, followed by public testimony under oath, is the surest route to exposing lies and crimes.

Now that America has seen the Russia collusion lie exposed as a fraud, after more than two years of continuous harassment of the constitutionally elected president, both Senate leadership and the American public will be sympathetic to the president's claimed entitlement to lay before the Senate and full electorate all the details of the groundless campaign to drive him from office, a campaign of which "the telephone call" is merely the latest episode.

After Robert Mueller's two-and-a-half-year Russia collusion goose egg, it would be seen as an outrage to deny the president the right to tell the full story that lies behind this latest chapter in the Democrats' three-year attempted putsch.

President Trump needs to promptly assemble a highly professional team of tough, seasoned lawyers, who will all have to be well compensated for the huge professional and personal risk they will be taking — we have seen time and again what the deep state tries to do to the president's prominent supporters. A defense fund for the president would be oversubscribed in two weeks.

Giuliani, as loyal as he has been, may or may not be the right person to assemble this team.

The team needs to be put together quickly, and to promptly announce to the world that the Senate trial, if there is one, will focus on, and expose, the entirety of the Democrat/corrupt federal bureaucracy's anti-constitutional efforts to bring this President down. Many who breathed deep sighs of relief when Robert Mueller threw in the towel are going to be sweating again.

When McConnell announces the scope of the allowable defense and how long the process will go on as Democrat dirt emerges, Ms. Pelosi may become concerned about how many of her party could be destroyed by the process. She may go so far as to as to think better of going forward.  If so, fine -- the Dems, once again, as in the Russia hoax, will look like fools. If, on the other hand (and much more likely), she proceeds (into the moving blades of this propeller) so much the better for the President.

At a minimum, a Senate trial would destroy the Bidens.

Even with an inadvisably narrow defense approach, evidence of Biden's use of his office to extort a lucrative Ukrainian sinecure for his substantively unqualified son is centrally relevant to Trump's defense. Certainly, an American prosecutor, e.g., the U.S. Attorney General, would be entitled to seek evidence of criminal activity from a foreign head of state, where an American's criminal activity involving and centered in that foreign state is reasonably suspected. If so, why not his boss, the President?  Biden's pursuit of the presidency obviously should not shield him or his son from aggressive scrutiny for probable criminal activity.

Concurrently, outside the circle of the President's immediate defense, it is much to be hoped that the investigations of the Make-Bill-and-Hillary-Rich scam, laughably known as The Clinton Foundation, will soon produce indictments.

In their apparent decision to impeach President Trump, the Democrats have taken the final step in the cold civil war they have been waging for nearly three years against a constitutionally elected president and his 63 million+ voters.

The President's response should be withering, broad, and uncompromising. It should be one that turns his attackers into the hunted, a fate their lies and crimes have more than earned them.

In the end, President Trump will be seen for three years to have performed two almost impossible full-time jobs simultaneously and supremely well: President of the United States, and defender of the Constitution's electoral processes against those bent on destroying them.

Photo credit: Gage Skidmore (cropped).

The entrenched elites of both parties and a large portion of the corrupt upper federal bureaucracy understand the mortal threat President Trump poses to them.  This threat has been the driving force behind the continuous efforts to destroy the Trump presidency since (and before) the president's inauguration.

These forces have no doubt already figured out they can't beat the president at the ballot box.  Impeachment is their last desperate chance to rid themselves of the man who has so effectively exposed their self-enrichment and multiple sell-outs of the American people.  And now they think they see their chance — based on a single telephone call in which America's president, reasonably and with more than good cause, suspecting criminal wrongdoing, may have sought the assistance of a foreign head of state in getting to the bottom of his amply justified suspicions.

They are counting on the now widely and deeply loathed former Republican, Mitt Romney, to round up enough Republican turncoat Trump-haters to reach two thirds of the Senate — all without regard to the total absence of anything remotely approaching "high crimes and misdemeanors."

No occupant of the White House before the current one has faced even a small fraction of the unrelenting groundless accusations, calumnies, and outright lies endured by President Trump since well before the first day of his presidency.  Through it all, he has repelled the attacks, while he produced concrete results for the American economy and American conservatism unseen since President Reagan. 

The constant, vile, often violent denunciations of America's president during the last nearly three years, all by the 2016 losers and their major media mouthpieces, are without any precedent in the nation's history.  The impeachment proceedings President Trump now confronts — for a single telephone call to a head of state raising issues entirely appropriate to the functions of his office — are merely another round in the Democrat/media elites' continuous efforts to reverse the outcome of the 2016 election.

In short, having utterly failed with their Russia collusion fantasy, the president's enemies have moved on to an entirely ordinary and appropriate telephone call.

The president's defense in the Senate, accordingly, must engage, spotlight, scrutinize and expose the entire course of odious conduct by the president's corrupt attackers, from their first spinning of the Russia collusion hoax,through the latest chapter in their attempted coup.

Everything will be relevant in the Senate trial, and everyone, no exceptions, should be subpoenaed and interrogated under oath.  That means Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, John Brennan, James Comey, Peter Strzok, and the entire gang behind the coup.

That includes Strzok, his girlfriend Lisa Page, Clapper, Brennan, Comey, and whatever Deep State apparatchiks lied to the FISA judge to enable a spying operation on the Trump campaign and transition team — a crime without precedent and one that massively outweighs anything that could credibly be alleged against President Trump.

Here is the most important benefit of this broad and aggressive approach to the president's defense: in confronting all those who have ceaselessly sought to reverse the 2016 election, President Trump's legal team this time will have a critical tool thus far denied them: the power to subpoena any and all persons, including all those who were elbow-deep in the Russia collusion hoax.  Unlike during the feeble and tedious investigation conducted by the Washington elite's chosen operative, Robert Mueller, every single such person will be sworn and aggressively, publicly interrogated under penalty of perjury, by formidable trial counsel.

What the anti-democratic authors of this latest putsch attempt failed to realize — in their fury of blind hatred — is that the Republican Senate majority will be in command of the scope and duration of the trial and that the truth-revealing power of the subpoena, followed by public testimony under oath, is the surest route to exposing lies and crimes.

Now that America has seen the Russia collusion lie exposed as a fraud, after more than two years of continuous harassment of the constitutionally elected president, both Senate leadership and the American public will be sympathetic to the president's claimed entitlement to lay before the Senate and full electorate all the details of the groundless campaign to drive him from office, a campaign of which "the telephone call" is merely the latest episode.

After Robert Mueller's two-and-a-half-year Russia collusion goose egg, it would be seen as an outrage to deny the president the right to tell the full story that lies behind this latest chapter in the Democrats' three-year attempted putsch.

President Trump needs to promptly assemble a highly professional team of tough, seasoned lawyers, who will all have to be well compensated for the huge professional and personal risk they will be taking — we have seen time and again what the deep state tries to do to the president's prominent supporters. A defense fund for the president would be oversubscribed in two weeks.

Giuliani, as loyal as he has been, may or may not be the right person to assemble this team.

The team needs to be put together quickly, and to promptly announce to the world that the Senate trial, if there is one, will focus on, and expose, the entirety of the Democrat/corrupt federal bureaucracy's anti-constitutional efforts to bring this President down. Many who breathed deep sighs of relief when Robert Mueller threw in the towel are going to be sweating again.

When McConnell announces the scope of the allowable defense and how long the process will go on as Democrat dirt emerges, Ms. Pelosi may become concerned about how many of her party could be destroyed by the process. She may go so far as to as to think better of going forward.  If so, fine -- the Dems, once again, as in the Russia hoax, will look like fools. If, on the other hand (and much more likely), she proceeds (into the moving blades of this propeller) so much the better for the President.

At a minimum, a Senate trial would destroy the Bidens.

Even with an inadvisably narrow defense approach, evidence of Biden's use of his office to extort a lucrative Ukrainian sinecure for his substantively unqualified son is centrally relevant to Trump's defense. Certainly, an American prosecutor, e.g., the U.S. Attorney General, would be entitled to seek evidence of criminal activity from a foreign head of state, where an American's criminal activity involving and centered in that foreign state is reasonably suspected. If so, why not his boss, the President?  Biden's pursuit of the presidency obviously should not shield him or his son from aggressive scrutiny for probable criminal activity.

Concurrently, outside the circle of the President's immediate defense, it is much to be hoped that the investigations of the Make-Bill-and-Hillary-Rich scam, laughably known as The Clinton Foundation, will soon produce indictments.

In their apparent decision to impeach President Trump, the Democrats have taken the final step in the cold civil war they have been waging for nearly three years against a constitutionally elected president and his 63 million+ voters.

The President's response should be withering, broad, and uncompromising. It should be one that turns his attackers into the hunted, a fate their lies and crimes have more than earned them.

In the end, President Trump will be seen for three years to have performed two almost impossible full-time jobs simultaneously and supremely well: President of the United States, and defender of the Constitution's electoral processes against those bent on destroying them.

Photo credit: Gage Skidmore (cropped).